Thoughts on the Bumbling Autocrat

During the campaign, I repeatedly asked what happens when you elect an autocrat who doesn’t know his ass from a hole in the ground?  What does the man on horseback do when he turns out to be just a man on golf cart?  So far, the answer is that he just lies about his record, complains about the crooked media, and relies on his base to get by.  As a result, many commentators are concluding that the concerns about Trump’s illiberalism were unfounded, and that the only threat to the republic is his incompetence.

It’s too early to tell.  Yes, our checks and balances are holding under normal circumstances.  Will they continue to hold in a crisis–most notably a war or a major terrorist attack?  That will be a far greater test, and I’m sure it’s coming.

Imagining President Romney’s Legacy

Unlike Trump, Mitt Romney is unquestionably sane and competent.  I didn’t vote for him, and I make no apologies for that, but I couldn’t help wondering whether we would be better off today if he had won in 2012 and been reelected in 2016.

It’s a close call.  Here’s my analysis, on an issue-by-issue basis:

1.  Obamacare revisions:  Romney was ideally suited to build a bridge between his party and the Democrats, given his history with the issue.  My guess is that it would have been possible to come up with a scheme which provided more flexibility to states that operated in good faith to find alternatives, but otherwise kept Obamacare in place.  If so, the issue would have been put to bed by now.

2.  Taxing and spending:  There would have been no tax increase on the wealthy, and defense spending might have increased somewhat, but there would have been no dramatic changes.

3.  Environmental issues:  Little would have been accomplished, but the government would not have been run by climate change deniers.

4.  Iraq, Syria, and IS:  Public opinion would have prevented any large scale military interventions in this part of the Middle East.  Romney was more interested in domestic policy, anyway.  We might have taken a somewhat stronger line against Assad, but we wouldn’t have gone to war with him.

5.  The Iran deal:  It wouldn’t have happened.  Instead, Netanyahu would have persuaded Romney to join him in “cutting the grass.”  We would be at war with Iran today.  Gas prices would be much higher.

6.  Russia:  Romney might have sent more weapons to Ukraine, but that is not a certainty, since he would have understood that Putin would escalate to match us, and then some.  Otherwise, no change.

7.  The Supreme Court:  Someone like Gorsuch would have been nominated and approved with minimal fuss in 2016.  The Supreme Court filibuster would still be in place, for whatever that’s worth.

8.  China:  We might have been more aggressive in our opposition to the fill islands.  Otherwise, no change.

 

On the whole, we would have been a bit worse off on January 19 than we actually were, but we would not have been looking at President Trump the next day. How do you balance past gains with future dangers?  You decide.

FTT #26

If Low Energy Abe had read my book, the Civil War might have been averted. Sad!

On Community Rating and High Risk Pools

As evidenced by a recent CNN interview with Rep. Mo Brooks, mainstream Republicans believe that poor health is predominantly caused by bad voluntary lifestyle choices, and that wealth redistribution to address the needs of unhealthy people is consequently inappropriate and downright immoral.  That said, even the GOP would admit that luck–genetic and otherwise–plays a major role in one’s health, which is why they have never seriously attempted to repeal the emergency room mandate.  And, in addition to that, they have an alternative to community rating:  high risk pools.

High risk pools have existed in many states, beginning in the 1970’s.  As a solution to the problem of people with pre-existing conditions, they have, by all accounts, been a dismal failure.  Since they violate the Republican non-redistribution principle, and they haven’t worked, you might well ask yourself why the GOP supports them today.  The answer is simple:  community rating is effectively an entitlement program, but high risk pools are a welfare program.

Community rating is essentially driven by opacity and ignorance;  since the insurance companies can’t require people to take physicals and do surveys, no one knows who is being subsidized, and by how much;  the process just happens invisibly through the operation of the market.  As a result, the beneficiaries of the system do not feel like charity cases.  With high risk pools, on the other hand, the physicals and the surveys would return, the identity of the charity cases would be known, and the government would be free to attach whatever conditions it wants on people in the pools in order to reduce its liabilities, including work requirements, drug tests, high deductibles, and very low overall limits on expenditures.

That, in a nutshell, is what this debate is all about;  the GOP wants recipients of medical subsidies to feel the shame attached to accepting government benefits, and to keep those benefits as low as possible.  Otherwise, how can we afford all of those juicy new tax cuts?

 

On the GOP and Duterte

Republicans presumably value their safety from arbitrary violence as much as I do, but the Trump Administration, unlike its predecessor, is embracing Duterte. Why?

I think there are two reasons.  First, the GOP tends to view drug abuse as being a moral failure, not a public health problem, which can be solved by vigorous law enforcement.  (Alcohol abuse, of course, is on a completely different moral plane.)  Second, Duterte didn’t increase the size of the state to deal with the issue-he privatized it!  Yes, murdering drug dealers and abusers in the Philippines is properly viewed as a public-private partnership;  the government provides the lists, legal immunity, and some resources, and the private sector takes it from there.

No wonder Trump likes it; it looks like his infrastructure plan.

Of course, the problem with privatizing criminal justice, apart from the question of whether the sanction is proportional to the crime, is that it permits private parties to act on inadequate evidence, and even to serve their own selfish interests under the pretext of fighting crime.  And so, what you have in effect is the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre in slow motion.

Lines on Two Strongmen

 

I wrote this months ago suspecting that it would become timely at some point.  I wasn’t disappointed.

In the Footsteps of Duterte

In the footsteps of Duterte

Our leader wants to tread.

The Philippines

Will be his dream.

The bad guys all shot dead.

There’s no need for due process;

Vigilantes do it faster.

Who cares if all the lawyers think that this is a disaster?

 

In the footsteps of Duterte

Both leaders love to swear.

They brook no opposition,

So cross them if you dare.

One day they’re bashing China,

The next they’re making deals.

Don’t believe a thing you see;

Not much of this is real.

A Hundred Days of Hillary

The GOP civil war broke out in earnest just a few hours after Clinton’s unexpectedly narrow victory in the election.  The establishment blamed Trump and his white nationalist supporters for the loss;  Trump, for his part, insisted that he would have won but for the lack of support from the “cuckservatives.”

Never one to take defeat lying down, Trump almost immediately started touring red states and holding huge rallies at which he bashed the media, the establishment, and the “rigged” election more and more ferociously.  The rallies became increasingly angry and violent.  There was open talk of creating a third party, and even of a coup attempt.

Clinton saw opportunities here.   Her inaugural address combined olive branches to the Republican establishment (she focused on infrastructure and corporate tax reform) with a demand that the leadership openly renounce Trump and his violence. Ryan and McConnell, desperate to keep the party together, spoke only in vague generalities about Trump and appealed to the base by promising relentless pressure on the new administration.   New investigations were promised, no support was provided even for GOP-friendly initiatives, and the blockade of Merrick Garland continued.

A showdown loomed over the debt ceiling.  Would the GOP finally splinter for good over funding the government?  For their part, facing a very difficult election in 2018 with a largely exhausted party, some Democrats were starting to murmur that it would almost have been better if Trump had prevailed, because only power would give him the opportunity to finally discredit himself and his cause.  I say “almost,” because he might blow up the country in the interim; it wasn’t worth it.

Reactionaries and the Trump Tax Plan

Reactionaries have traditionally supported large regressive GOP tax cuts even though virtually all of the benefits flow to wealthy businessmen, for two reasons. First, they believe in “starving the beast;”  any spending cuts that follow, they assume, will fall mostly on minorities and the undeserving poor.  Second, after all, it’s money that the wealthy people earned that is just being returned to them; it’s not an odious redistribution program.

If, as I suspect, some form of the Trump plan ultimately becomes law, the Reactionaries may be in for a rude surprise this time, because when the deficit explodes, the fiscal hawks are going to be gunning for their treasured entitlement programs:  Social Security and Medicare.  Trump has promised not to cut those programs, but he has plenty of people around him who disagree, and in the face of a soaring debt, where else can he cut?  Discretionary programs other than defense have already been slashed;  there is no other place to go.

In other words, be careful what you ask for, because you might get it.

 

The CEO and the Trump Tax Cuts

Imagine that you are the CEO of a large American manufacturer.  You survived the Great Recession by cutting costs and hoarding cash.  Today, you’re sitting on a cash mountain, your share price is pretty high, and the investors are happy.

The Trump tax cut figures to increase your net profits by about 10%.  What do you do with the extra cash?

Here are your options:

1.  Pay higher wages to your employees.  Are you kidding me?  The workforce has been cowed by threats to cut jobs through automation and offshoring, and you don’t have a union.  The shareholders would be furious.  It won’t happen.

2.  Invest in additional production capacity.   Why?  Where are your new customers?  Overseas, you see stagnant growth, an overpriced dollar, and protectionism;  at home, you see an aging population that is more interested in saving than spending, and a hollowed-out middle class.

3.  Return the money to your shareholders in the form of dividends.  But they like higher share prices better, and they would just use the money to finance the exploding federal deficit, anyway.

4.  Purchase a competitor or buy back shares to increase the value of your stock.  Now we’re getting somewhere.

5.  Just sit on the cash and listen to the applause from your shareholders.  Another viable option.

There are plenty of other problems with the tax cut, but this is the core issue.  It just won’t generate the kind of growth that Trump is predicting.

A Plutocrat Misquotes George Harrison

                   Tax Plan

Let me tell you how it will be.

It’s one for you, nineteen for me.

‘Cause it’s the tax plan.

The Trump tax plan.

 

If I buy more stock

Big bucks for me.

If I sell my stuff

Big bucks for me.

Buying real estate

Big bucks for me.

If I die tonight

Big bucks for me.

Tax plan.

 

If five percent appears too small

Be thankful I don’t take it all.

‘Cause it’s the tax plan.

The Trump tax plan.

And it’s working for no one but me.

 

Parody of “Taxman” by The Beatles.

Another Reason Le Pen Isn’t Trump

Trump didn’t really have the support of the majority of Republicans during the primaries, but once he got the nomination, he inherited the tribal loyalty of millions of Americans who would vote for a dead cat over a Democrat.  Le Pen doesn’t have that advantage.  It matters, a lot.

On the Flip-Flopper-in-Chief

NATO isn’t really obsolete.  The Chinese aren’t currency manipulators.  Mexico won’t really pay for the wall.  Maybe moving the embassy to Jerusalem isn’t such a good idea.  The Export-Import Bank is OK.  Assad is a brutal killer of his own people who must be removed from power.  And so on.

The list of Trump flip-flops in the last few weeks is fairly breathtaking, particularly when you consider that the GOP has traditionally viewed changes in course as being a sign of weakness and a lack of belief in core values.  And yet, Trump’s base support is unwavering.  Why?

The answer, of course, is that Trump has no core values other than self-love.  For him, being unpredictable is a tactic, and is therefore a sign of strength, not weakness.  His followers may be a bit bewildered, but they buy into the strong man theme, so it’s OK with them.

The rest of us are mostly bemused by it all, but if his new positions make more sense than the old ones, we will be grateful for small favors.

On Two Wild and Crazy Guys

Every other tactic having failed, we have apparently decided to try to out nut job North Korea.  But will it work?  How do the two leaders stack up?

                                       Kim               vs.            Trump

Age                                34                                        70

Influential Father      Communist Emperor      Developer

Political Pedigree        Red Princeling                 Billionaire Populist

Favorite Weapon        Poison                                Twitter

Respect for Law           None                                 Questionable

Predictability               Low                                    Low

And the winner is . . . No one.  Everyone’s a loser here.