Many commentators–some of whom even have some legal expertise–have asserted with total confidence that the disqualification language in the Fourteenth Amendment either clearly does, or clearly doesn’t, apply to Trump and January 6. The truth is otherwise; the issue is highly ambiguous. What is an insurrection within the meaning of the Constitution? Does it have to be as bloody and widespread as the Civil War, or does a single riot at the Capitol meet the standard? There are no definitive answers in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, in the legislative history, or in case law.
The Supreme Court can’t avoid ruling on this issue. For a variety of reasons, it will be inclined to keep Trump on the ballot, but it will do what it can to avoid looking partisan. It has several different rationales that can be used to justify its decision. What one will it choose?
Here they are, with my analysis:
- THE AMENDMENT DOESN’T APPLY TO PRESIDENTS, SINCE THE OFFICE OF PRESIDENT IS NOT LISTED IN THE TEXT: This approach makes no logical sense, and it gives the most dangerous man in America–the commander of the armed forces–the legal right to engage in insurrection.
- THE ISSUE IS PREMATURE AT THIS STAGE IN THE PROCESS: There is a good legal argument to that effect, but it only prolongs the agony unless Trump is somehow defeated in the primaries. We need an answer as soon as possible.
- THE RECORD DEFINITIVELY SHOWS THAT TRUMP BEARS NO LEGAL RESPONSIBILITY FOR JANUARY 6: A ruling of this nature would fly in the face of the evidence and compromise the ongoing criminal cases. The Court won’t want to do that.
- JANUARY 6 WAS NOT AN “INSURRECTION” WITHIN THE MEANING OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT BECAUSE THE EVENT IN QUESTION HAS TO INVOLVE A HIGHER LEVEL OF VIOLENCE IN MORE PLACES: Commentators since January 6 have struggled to decide whether the event was an “insurrection” or just a “riot.” While a decision of this nature would seem to give Trump and his successors a get out of jail free card for small scale events, this case can always be distinguished from future cases on its facts.
In short, I would vote for Option #4 as the best avenue of damage control. Will the Court? We’ll see.