Deconstructing Bannon

So it is Steve Bannon’s intent to “deconstruct the administrative state.”  Let’s turn the tables and deconstruct him.  What lies behind the mask?

On foreign policy, I see two different threads that are not completely consistent.   The first is a Huntingtonian “clash of civilizations” motif that focuses primarily on Islam, although concern about China is present, as well.  The Huntingtonian approach ignores the fact that hundreds of millions of Muslims don’t hate us, and are in fact the principal victims of what amounts to a civil war within Islam.  My real problem with this strain of Bannonism, however, is that the logical solution to the “clash of civilizations” would be to unite all Christians, including South and Central Americans and Europeans, against Islam, but Bannon doesn’t attempt to do that.

In practice, Bannon is just a 1930’s style ethnic nationalist who thinks we won World War II and the Cold War, but lost the peace by putting the interests of our so-called “allies” ahead of our own.  It is as if the British and the French, having won World War I, wanted to tear up the Treaty of Versailles and divide up Germany in 1932. It just doesn’t make any sense, and why someone would want to return to the world of the 1930’s, given how that turned out, is beyond me.

In domestic policy, Bannon appears to subscribe to a Palinesque view that red America is the only real America, and has been sold out by an unholy elite conspiracy involving big business, the media, the judicial system, intellectuals, and both parties.  As a result, while blue America prospers, red America withers economically, and its values, the bedrock of the country, are no longer respected.

Note that Paul Ryan and the “old” GOP are almost as guilty as Barack Obama if you accept this point of view.  There are a number of problems with it:

  1.  Notwithstanding Bannon’s opinion, blue Americans have just as much claim to be “real Americans” as red Americans, and the American culture that he wants to protect is dynamic and hardly limited to the contributions made by dead and elderly white people;
  2.  The economic phenomena of which he complains can be found throughout the developed world, and thus are not the result of policy cooked up by American elites;
  3.  Red Americans benefit from free trade in the form of lower prices for manufactured goods;
  4. Agricultural interests in red America have been among the big winners of free trade, and would suffer from the creation of “Fortress America;”
  5.  All of the data indicate that the loss of American manufacturing jobs since World War II is due primarily to automation, not free trade; and
  6.  If his plan is to “drain the swamp” of members of the elite who have benefited from the corrupt status quo, his boss has a strange way of showing it.  Trump has filled his cabinet with billionaires and intends to propose a regressive tax cut that will make the current elite even wealthier.

For all of his outrageousness, Bannon represents the interests of an old, tired America, not a dynamic, progressive one.  His ideas run counter to the interests of most of his own party, without which Trump cannot govern.  He is, therefore, doomed to fail.

On Trump and the Reagan Coalition

As I have noted repeatedly, the GOP is made up of four ideological factions: Christian Democrats; Pro-Business Pragmatists (PBPs); Conservative Libertarians; and Reactionaries.  Trump ran as a representative of the Reagan Coalition, which consists of PBPs and Reactionaries; what set him apart from most Reagan Coalition candidates was his willingness to openly embrace Reactionary positions to which most other GOP candidates typically just give lip service.

Reactionaries and PBPs have diametrically opposed views on a number of issues, such as immigration, tax cuts for the wealthy, free trade, and entitlement cuts. How is Trump managing these potential conflicts thus far?

With head fakes, rumors, and misdirection plays.  He lets it be known that he is considering a much more business-friendly position on immigration in his State of the Donald speech, but it never materializes.  He selects deficit hawks for his cabinet, but then presents a budget framework without cuts to Social Security and Medicare.  He says his tax cut plan will focus on the middle class in spite of all of the evidence to the contrary.  He talks constantly about trade issues, but he hasn’t actually taken any protectionist actions yet.   And so on.

Of course, this kind of balancing act can’t go on forever;  at some point, he has to actually deliver the goods instead of just keeping everyone’s hopes up.  We’ll know where he actually stands by the end of the year.

Lines on March in Trump’s America

                   Spring Break

He’s gazing out into the distance, again.

The sun has gone over the hill.

He’s reading his book and he’s petting his dog

And wishing that time could stand still.

 

The game is approaching the end of the fifth.

He says it’s time for a refill.

The air is as soft as a baby’s behind.

And he wishes that time could stand still.

 

The beach is just teeming with tourists again.

The sunset’s a daily thrill.

She orders another, and muses aloud

That she wishes that time could stand still.

 

The bombers are ready, and missiles will fly.

There’s oceans of blood to be spilled.

I know it sounds gloomy, but nevertheless

We know that time never stands still.

A Limerick on Sessions

On Trump’s loyal crony named Jeff.

On Russia, I fear he’s tone deaf.

I guess he forgot.

His seat’s getting hot.

If he goes, well then, who will be left?

Three Options for North Korea

Let’s face it:  three American administrations tried, and completely failed, to persuade the North Korean regime to give up its nuclear program, because the regime obviously believes that nuclear weapons are essential to its continued existence. Gorbachev could tell you that a nuclear arsenal is no guarantee that your political system won’t implode, and the regime already has a substantial conventional deterrent, but whatever.  It is what it is.

That leaves us with three options:

1.  A Chinese-inspired coup, followed by a partial liberalization of the political and economic systems:  For everyone but the regime, this is the best possible outcome.  The Chinese get to expand their influence; the North Korean people get a more tolerable system; the South Koreans don’t have to worry about picking up the huge check for reunification; and we get an end to the nuclear program. Unfortunately, the regime is only too aware of this possibility, which is why any North Korean bigwig who becomes close to the Chinese tends to end up on the business end of an anti-aircraft gun.  China is, in a way, as big a threat to the regime as we are.

2.  Learn to live with a North Korean nuclear threat:  Deterrence has always worked with all of the other nuclear powers, so why not North Korea?  The obvious response is that it would be risky to rely on the rationality of a hermit state that places such an unwarranted value on its nuclear program.

3.  A preemptive strike on the nuclear program, accompanied by a promise not to seek regime change and a threat to annihilate North Korea if there is any retaliation:  The risk of this approach, of course, is millions of deaths in South Korea and, potentially, even Japan.  If Trump truly believes in “America First,” however, what’s that to him?  It would be up to Kim to decide whether to live with the humiliation of losing his weapons or to retaliate and watch the complete destruction of his country.

I have predicted previously that Trump will roll the dice with the lives of our allies and launch the preemptive strike.  I stand by my prediction.

Trump and the Soft Bigotry of Low Expectations

Just because Trump didn’t, in the words of one commentator, “bite the head off a bat” doesn’t mean the State of the Donald speech was the greatest thing since the Gettysburg Address.  Both stylistically and substantively, it was a lousy speech.  If Obama had given it, everyone would be talking about how bad it was.

The phrase “soft bigotry of low expectations” was applied initially to the education of low-income and minority school children, but it applies here, too. We are entitled to better.

Trump, Nixon, and the MSM

Trump and the MSM are in what amounts to a co-dependent relationship.  On the one hand, Trump craves adulation, and the MSM profit financially from the unusual public interest he creates;  on the other hand, Trump can’t tolerate criticism, and the MSM want to avoid being used to chip away at our liberal democratic system.  The two parties consequently both need and despise each other.

If Trump were a conventional politician, he would try to curry favor with the MSM in order to win support from moderate elements of both parties. Unfortunately, he views himself as being the leader of his base, not the entire nation, and his base considers the MSM to be, in his words, the “enemy of the people.”  If you start from that obviously flawed premise, it makes perfect sense him to treat the MSM as the real opposition.

And so, if you thought the relationship between Nixon and the media was the worst one imaginable, you ain’t seen nothing yet.

 

Building a Better Batman

The thing about Trump’s dystopian imagery is that it has a sell-by date;  if in 2019, for example, he is still saying that crime is out of control, it will be perceived as his fault.  Anyone who is foolish enough to buy into the imagery should logically be looking for a better Batman at that point.

One potential exception is  foreign terrorism, since its origins, by definition, lie outside our boundaries;  Trump can, therefore, plausibly disclaim responsibility for any events that occur between now and the end of his term and argue that only he is tough enough to deal with our adversaries.  Keep your eye on this issue;  it may represent the key to his re-election prospects in 2020.

On the State of the Donald Message

There were, of course, flashes of Trumpian weirdness:  particularly the parts about illegal immigrants rampaging around the country committing crimes.  The calls for unity and attempts at uplift sounded forced and fake.  He lied about saving jobs and increased defense appropriations from NATO members.  His “bipartisan” infrastructure plan was the same old proposal that only an oligarch could love.  He didn’t give any guidance to Congress on the critical issues in the Obamacare replacement bill.  The threat to stop supporting our allies was there–it was just implicit.  In short, it was a collection of his greatest hits.

And yet, when he uses a teleprompter and a speechwriter, he sounds almost, well, normal.  His narcissism and Dark Knight imagery remained in check.  He didn’t offend any of our allies.  Large portions of the speech could have been delivered by George W. Bush.

In a word, it was boring.  Think of “The Celebrity Apprentice” hosted by the Arnold rather than the Donald.  Sad!

A New Limerick on DeVos

The woman named Betsy DeVos.

She’s got billions, but Trump’s now her boss.

Her penchant for gaffes

Always good for a laugh.

She was born soaking in stupid sauce.

 

The human gaffe machine strikes again!  And just think:  it was counted a “victory” when her nomination was jammed through the Senate.  It’s right up there with “winning at trade.”

On Trump and the Leaks

In his developer days, Trump used to leak details of his personal and business dealings to the press using personas such as “John Barron” and “John Miller.”  As a candidate for President, he profited mightily from disclosures from WikiLeaks. As President, however, he is outraged by leaks within his administration, and he is determined to stamp them out.  Will he succeed?

Leaks are inevitable when:  (a) you run as a chaos candidate, but have no idea how to bring about change; (b) you don’t fill the positions within your government; (c) your administration is ideologically incoherent; and (d) no one knows who is in charge on a day-to-day basis.  And so, the leaks are likely to continue regardless of his efforts to stamp them out unless or until (probably the latter) the new administration develops a sense of direction.

On the Politics of “La La Land”

There is no doubt about it:  the movie of which “La La Land” reminds me the most is “An American in Paris.”  I’m sure the concept behind the film was to find an undiscovered niche by creating an unfashionably retro vision of American life–think of a Beach Boys records made in 2016.  The result of the election, however, put the movie in a completely new, and more compelling, context.

Everything about “La La Land” is a counterpoint to Trump’s “American carnage” speech.  Set in a carefully edited and timeless version of the bluest of blue states (no crime or skyscrapers allowed), the movie practically screams that the American dream is, if difficult to attain, most definitely alive and well.  It is bright, sunny, and soulful–not the ash heap of Trump’s fevered imagination.

Ironies in this exist at several levels.  Hollywood movies are made by “rootless cosmopolitans,” but they are loved no less by red Americans.  There is no red American Hollywood any more than there is a red American Broadway. Intellectual property is one of our greatest exports, so protecting it has for years been one of the principal objectives of our trade negotiators;  the Trump Administration, regardless of its opinions of Hollywood, will be driven to do the same if it really wants to “win at trade”.  And what is one of our other principal exports?  Agricultural products from red America.  It all fits together; red and blue culture have common elements, and both sides lose from a trade war.

Bibi’s Blues

I’ve got those dirty, lowdown, West Bank blues.

You have to be aware of it; it’s all over the news.

Sometimes you think you’re winning, but it turns out that you lose.

The Trumpster’s made an offer I don’t think I can refuse.

 

Obama’s crowd is dead to me; I’m glad to see them go.

But the right is jumping on my back to annex land, you know.

I made my name by balancing–by lurching to and fro.

Jerusalem’s a powder keg; it won’t take much to blow.

 

I’ve got the blues.

The annexation blues.

I used to blame Obama

Now I don’t have an excuse.

It seems that things are going well.

The future’s very bright.

But it only takes a single spark

And we’ll all say good night.

A Limerick on the EPA

The EPA head named Scott Pruitt.

In picking him, Trump really blew it.

He’ll turn the air black.

And clean water we’ll lack.

The left will then claim that they knew it.