On a Predictable Own Goal for the Religious Right

A state-funded adoption agency has refused to permit an adoption by Jewish parents on the basis that it would violate the Christian religious beliefs of the people who run the agency. By Tennessee law, this is a valid argument.

Whoops! This is a classic example of a state assuming that the fundamental disagreement in society is between the supposed religion of “secular humanism” and all traditionally religious people, not between the various types of traditional religions. The result is a classic, and highly embarrassing, episode of anti-Semitism.

Let’s hope this case winds up in the US Supreme Court. I can’t wait to see how our doggedly Catholic right-wing justices would deal with it.

On Putin’s Record

Are you better off than you were 23 years ago? It is a fair question to direct to the Russian public.

Here is my analysis of the question:

  1. POLITICAL RIGHTS: When Putin took office, Russia was a very shaky liberal democracy. Today, it is an authoritarian state, sliding into fascism. Elections are rigged; political opponents are jailed, shot, or poisoned; the media are totally subservient; and the internet is increasingly controlled by the government.
  2. ECONOMY: For about ten years, the economy grew briskly as a result of rising oil prices. For the last ten, growth has been very minimal, due to sanctions arising from Putin’s foreign adventures and the government’s desire to keep the economy completely in its own hands. Liberalization is impossible, because it would create potential centers of power in a political system that assumes Putin is the source of all wealth.
  3. FOREIGN POLICY: It is often said that Putin has played a bad hand very well. But has he? At one point, all of Ukraine was set to fall peacefully into his hands; today, most of the country (and certainly its most valuable parts) is mobilized against him. His intervention in Syria only maintained the status quo, at a terrible price. He is now morally obligated to provide military support for inept, unpopular dictators throughout the former USSR. The only place he has succeeded is in turning voters against liberal democracy in the EU and the US. Will that really benefit Russia in the long run? I have my doubts.

A Question for the Voters

The current inflation rate in the EU is just under 5 percent. It is over 5 percent in the UK. It is fair, then, to assume that the common impacts of the pandemic–supply chain problems and all that–are the biggest component in the US inflation rate, with the rest being attributable to poorer working conditions for essential employees (a major cause of the Great Resignation) and the size of the pandemic bill.

Our current inflation rate is about 7 percent. It would be fair to ask the voters if they would agree to give their stimulus payments back in exchange for reducing the inflation rate to 5 percent. Do you think they would say yes?

Probably not, because, in spite of the inflation rate, they are actually better off than they were a year ago, and they know it.

On Biden’s Record

To borrow a line from an old Carly Simon song, the right hates Biden for what he is, but the left hates him for what he’s not. It seems to be universally held among activists that he just isn’t up to the job, because he can’t force Manchin and Sinema to stay on the reservation. But is this a fair analysis? Let’s give the record a fair and balanced review:

  1. FOREIGN POLICY: Afghanistan was a debacle, albeit a principled and arguably necessary one. There has been no meaningful progress with Iran. However, we have taken important steps in Asia to maintain a stronger counterbalance to China, and our relations with our allies, while not perfect, have improved.
  2. NATIONAL UNITY: With the recent exception of some statements about the GOP and voting rights, Biden has avoided demonizing the right, as he promised. The GOP has responded by embracing the rioters, stoking the culture wars, and maintaining a warm relationship with Trump. In short, things are worse than ever, but it isn’t Biden’s fault.
  3. ECONOMY: Unemployment and poverty are way down, while the markets and wages are up. Sounds great, right? The public doesn’t see it that way, for the reasons I listed in my last post, although they might if you ask the right questions.
  4. VIRUS: Biden did a good job of making vaccines available to everyone. He only imposed mandates as a last resort. It’s hard to see what more he can do.
  5. LEGISLATIVE RECORD: The pandemic relief bill probably added a bit to the inflation rate, but it did far more good than harm. The infrastructure bill was a genuine bipartisan product. The third part of the program, the BBB, has stalled. A smaller version of it, focusing on climate, may pass. Considering the size of the Democrats’ majorities and Trump’s inability to get anything except a tax cut through the system, it isn’t a bad record, unless your expectations were unrealistic from the start.

It’s a mixed record, to be sure, but whose isn’t?

On Inflation and Public Relations

Paul Krugman wants to know why there is a disconnect between the actual state of the economy and public perceptions of it. There are two simple reasons:

  1. While the country is better off than it was last year as a result of rising wages, a low unemployment rate, buoyant markets, and federal pandemic payments, the benefits of the stimulus payment are no longer being felt, while inflation is now. It is a question of timing. That said, I suspect that if you asked the public if they would happily give the stimulus payments back in exchange for lower inflation, they would say no.
  2. Unemployment only affects the unemployed. Inflation affects everyone.

On Voting Rights Theater

It has been obvious for the better part of a year that the Democratic leadership didn’t have the votes to jettison the filibuster and get an ambitious voting rights bill through the Senate. And yet, they went through the motions, and failed. Why?

For three reasons:

  1. The party–not just the left or the leadership–genuinely and passionately believes that the GOP vote suppression bills in various states are a threat to liberal democracy. It had to take a stand, even if it failed.
  2. There was some lingering hope that peer pressure would force Manchin and Sinema to change their position when push came to shove.
  3. The party’s activists would be demoralized if they didn’t try, and would at least give them credit for making the attempt.

The first proposition was debatable; the second was obviously wishful thinking; and the third was wrong. To the left, which always had ridiculously high expectations for the current regime, this is just another example of its fecklessness.

On Faux Libertarianism

Libertarianism is usually described as the belief that each individual should have the right to live his life as he sees fit so long as he doesn’t damage the rights of others. I often refer to reactionaries as “faux libertarians.” Why is that?

Because their beliefs and behavior conflict with the definition in three ways. First, the predominantly white Christian reactionaries identify as an oppressed group, not as a collection of separate individuals. Second, they clearly assert the right to damage the interests of others, as evidenced by their refusal to wear masks, get vaccinated, and drive with any sense of courtesy. Finally, the “freedoms” that they value most highly are the “freedom” to oppress historically disadvantaged groups and the “freedom” to avoid being offended by people they dislike. Don’t like the gay pride parade in your town? Use the government to ban it, of course!

Faux libertarianism is about power, not freedom. That’s why reactionaries love Trump so much; he believes in nothing except his own personal awesomeness, winning, and power.

On a Coming Tipping Point

For reasons that I have described in previous posts, and will discuss in more detail at a later date, the Fed’s ability to control the current bout of inflation through interest rates is pretty limited; all it can do is reduce demand by driving down the markets and making investors feel poor. Will that happen, or will the Fed mostly ride it out and wait for conditions to improve?

At this point, I don’t know, but the truth should become apparent in the near future. One possibility is that the pandemic evolves into something less significant, supply chain issues are resolved, the Great Resignation comes to an end, and fiscal policy is tightened slowly; as a result, the markets thrive, inflation is brought under control, and we have a vibrant dollar store economy. The other possibility is a Fed-driven recession caused by a market crash.

Much depends on the answer to the question, including, but not limited to, the outcome of the 2022 election and the health of American liberal democracy.

On Asymmetrical Warfare

Ross Douthat rejects the notion that the GOP has moved further from the center than the Democrats; in his view, the right is only responding forcefully to repeated provocations from the left. Is he right?

The truth is much more complicated than that, as follows:

  1. On issues of race, the Democrats only provoked the right by having the temerity to nominate a black candidate for president. The reactionary wing of the GOP became the dominant force in the party as a result, and the rest is history.
  2. On LGBTQ issues, the decisive blow was struck, not by left-wing politicians, but by a Supreme Court with a majority of justices appointed by Republican presidents.
  3. On economic and fiscal issues, the Democrats nominated centrists, not Bernie Sanders. The ambitious Democratic agenda in 2020 was largely the product of the pandemic and the failures of Trumpism. In any event, the extreme right doesn’t care about fiscal issues; its thing is culture wars.
  4. On cancel culture, admittedly a relatively new development arising from the left, the provocations have not come from Democratic politicians with any kind of national profile. In reality, cancel culture impacts the center-left, not the extreme right, which has its own protected media and internet safe spaces. The right has responded recently by approving legislation at the state level which attempts to silence the left on the internet.

This call-and-response analysis misses the essence of the problem, however. Analysts like Douthat almost universally attribute the ideas of a few social media activists to the entire Democratic Party. In reality, the Twitter left has a very limited following, and could not nominate its preferred candidates, none of whom was a dedicated culture warrior, in 2020. To the extent that Douthat is correct, he is asserting that reactionaries have the right to blow up our liberal democratic system in order to retain a monopoly on political power and shut up a few noisy activists instead of trying to win the battle for the hearts and minds of the American people. For the leadership of the GOP to support an illiberal agenda is not on the same plane as for a few left-wing loudmouths to say outrageous things on Twitter.

On Friedman and NATO Expansion

Thomas Friedman says he always opposed NATO expansion, and that the focus of American policy 20-25 years ago should have been on building a liberal democratic Russia–not on containing it and giving it an excuse to be a revisionist power. Is he right?

Only in part. I thought from the start that NATO expansion was a mistake, but not because building democracy in Russia was a more plausible alternative; if we couldn’t do it in Afghanistan, how could we possibly succeed in Russia? Friedman assumes that we had far more power and insight than we actually did. No, NATO expansion was a mistake because it was a bad bargain. The former USSR republics and Warsaw Pact countries added little military capability to the alliance, while expanding our security commitments exponentially. That is as true today as it was then, but it is what it is, and we have to live with the results, even if they aren’t in our short-term interests.

On Policy and Performance

Left-leaning pundits often accuse the right of having no policy ideas–all they wanna do is own the libs. Is that a fair complaint?

As of today, yes; the best evidence of it is the 2020 GOP platform, which was a xerox of the one from 2016. That was the result of two things: the right’s overwhelming interest in the culture wars and a failure of imagination. But things are changing; the right is starting to legislate on culture war issues instead of just harping on them endlessly for electoral gain. At some point in the foreseeable future, censorship and open support for religion are going to be the subjects of reactionary policy–not just business tax cuts and deregulation.

That’s when it’s really going to hit the fan, because the right’s position on the culture wars cannot be made law under the prevailing interpretations of the Constitution.

A Post-Riot Counterfactual

After the riot, Mitch McConnell had a choice: completely distance the Republicans from Trump and the rioters, at the cost of party unity; or maintain party unity at the cost of the country. Being the patriotic sort, he naturally chose the former. He swiftly managed to round up enough votes to convict Trump at the second impeachment trial. Trump was therefore finished as a political force, and the GOP became, once again, a “normal” reactionary party that respected liberal democracy.

The extreme right howled, of course, but where else were the counterrevolutionaries to go? The GOP didn’t actually lose any votes on the right, since the party’s leaders continued to own the libs, but it became respectable again with centrists. As a result, somewhat to McConnell’s surprise, the divisions within the party were papered over fairly quickly, and the GOP rebounded strongly in 2022, with strong new presidential candidates looking to make a splash without meaningful interference from Trump in 2024.

The point of this, of course, is to show that the current threats to the system were not inevitable. They were the product of deliberate–and bad–choices putting the interests of the GOP ahead of the country. But why would we be surprised? Mitch openly said that his job was to retake power, not to help Americans defeat the Great Recession, in 2009.

On DeSantis and the Anti-Vaxxers

Ron DeSantis has taken his enthusiasm for the anti-vaxxer cause to a new level. He is now refusing to answer questions about whether he has taken the booster. His silence has generated negative comments from no less than Donald Trump. Given that Trump supports the vaccine and that anti-vaxxers are unpopular with the general public, what in the world is DeSantis up to?

Three things. First of all, as I have noted before, he is all in with the notion that elections are about base mobilization, not attracting votes from swing voters. This approach probably makes sense in 2022–not necessarily in 2024, if he runs for president. Second, extreme right-wing ideas can become the orthodox positions of the GOP with frightening speed. Third, DeSantis is positioning himself to run from the right against Trump if the circumstances call for it. I doubt he would do it, but the election is years away, and you never know . . .

On Reactionaries in Action (2)

During the Rick Scott era, the focus of the Florida GOP was on tax cuts for business and reducing the cost of state government. Today, with Scott long gone, DeSantis and the Florida Legislature are more interested in increasing spending on popular programs and cutting gas taxes. It is an approach that is more directed at the needs of the base than business.

Is this the beginning of a shift within the GOP to a new populist economic program on a national level? I have serious doubts about that–after all, Mitch and the WSJ haven’t gone anywhere–but it bears watching.

On Reactionaries in Action (1)

Anticipating, as well they might, the demise of Roe, GOP leaders in Florida have decided to support new abortion restrictions which mirror those in the new Mississippi law. There will be no exceptions for rape and incest. Once these new regulations become effective, they will be challenged under Florida’s constitutional right to privacy, but DeSantis has largely remade the state judiciary in his own image, so there is little reason to believe they will be struck down. As a result, in the next year or two, there will be an upsurge in the number of unwanted children born in Florida.

Due to the booming economy and the Biden pandemic relief bill, Florida is awash in money right now. If, like Ross Douthat, you take the claims of women seriously, you would be supporting a large increase in funding for social services and health care to deal with all of the new unwanted children. Is any such thing happening? Of course not! Remember: Reactionaries, not CDs, are in charge here, and misery is the point.