On Making America Argentina Again

We all know that Trump loves tariffs, so it should come as no surprise that he is now advocating for a ten percent levy on all imports–even from friendly countries. If implemented, this would be an enormous tax increase (supposedly despised by Republicans) that would cause inflation (ditto) and strain our relationships with our allies (of course, Trump doesn’t think we have any, except Bibi, MBS, and Putin). In addition, given our current labor shortages, there would be no way to find workers for the new industrial jobs he contemplates without a massive increase in immigration. So there!

This is about as close to economic insanity as you can get. The base will probably love it, though. So would Juan Peron. Let’s make America Argentina again.

What the Base Believes: After Trump

Ben Sasse was wrong: all of the polls indicate that reactionary politics are, in fact, about the weird worship of one dude. Fortunately for us, he’s old and fat, so he won’t be around much longer. But what happens after that? Who carries the torch of Trumpism after Trump? Is it DeSantis, Ramaswamy, or someone else?

Here are my predictions:

  1. DeSantis has offended too many members of the base by his presumption in running to be the heir apparent.
  2. The base is never going to accept an overcaffeinated Hindu tech bro as the next Trump.
  3. The most plausible alternatives in the foreseeable future are two senators who were sensible enough not to run in this cycle. They offer something different: Josh Hawley is an economic populist; while Tom Cotton is a grim authoritarian conservative. Who is the most likely choice? My money’s on Cotton, but it’s too early to tell.

The GOP Debate on Labor and Inequality

Ronald Reagan is dead; it’s time to bury his ideas, too. The economy exists to serve society, not the other way around, and the American worker is suffering. Inequality is getting worse. The family is collapsing, and deaths of despair are on the rise. We need to harness the state to put an end to rampant, irresponsible corporate power and help real Americans earn a decent wage again. That’s the way to return America to genuine greatness.

Rubbish! The lives of American workers have never been better, thanks to the efforts of hardworking entrepreneurs, multiple rounds of tax cuts (which we supported), and various kinds of transfer payments (which we didn’t, but they help with the argument). The last thing we need to do is bail out shiftless workers and encourage them to seek refuge in the hammock of dependency. America is all about incentives and capitalism, and if creative destruction leads to losers as well as winners, so what? Just win, baby!

Guys! Guys! Can’t we just get along? The real enemy is the woke left! Let’s put this debate aside and focus on what really matters–ending abortion and sticking it to the LGBTQ community! We can argue about that other stuff later!

These are the three conflicting ideas about labor and inequality within the GOP. The first two are mutually exclusive. How does the party reconcile them? Historically, by actually supporting #2, which serves the donor class, but using lots of culture war rhetoric and empty gestures to pick off just enough workers to win elections.

The latest crop of presidential candidates is no different.

What the Base Believes: Fissures

The seemingly monolithic reactionary base is actually split on two issues. The first is abortion: the extreme anti-abortion activists want a very tough national ban, but most of the base views the issue with a degree of pragmatism and sees a national ban as political poison. The second is LGTBQ issues: they are catnip for social conservatives, but many reactionaries have libertarian leanings, don’t even know any trans people, and don’t see how oppressing gay and trans people will improve their lives.

What does this mean in the big picture? That any attempt to win over the base by outflanking Trump to the right was only going to peel off a handful of votes.

What the Base Believes: Biden and the Boogeyman

Trump and the base will undoubtedly make some sort of attempt to prove to the electorate that Biden is the Wizard of Wokeness. They will fail, of course, because nobody will believe that an old white guy is woke. That’s Biden’s superpower. Then what?

You can expect Trump to pound on the alternative argument that Biden is just a frail figurehead, and that Harris is actually running the administration. As a black female, Harris obviously makes a more plausible target on the wokeness issue. VPs don’t typically get that level of attention during a presidential campaign, but this one will be an exception.

The truth is that no one in his right mind thinks Harris has much influence over Biden’s actions. Furthermore, Harris is a sharp, pragmatic politician, not a woke warrior. It will be up to her to prove it over the next year. She had better be ready.

On the Looming Government Shutdown

If you think we’ve been here before, you’re right. The Freedom Caucus is making extreme demands, and Kevin McCarthy can’t control them. He’ll either have to make another deal with the Democrats, and thus put his job at risk, or preside over a government shutdown. Should we be worried?

This isn’t the debt ceiling chicken game, because: a shutdown won’t have anything like the impact of a debt default; we’ve been here lots of times before; the Republicans will be blamed for it; and there is no chance that Trump will be the ultimate beneficiary. This is a nuisance, not a crisis.

What the Base Believes: Analyzing the Evidence

Are the fears of the base, well, baseless? Let’s look at the evidence supporting the seven propositions listed in my previous post:

  1. It is certainly true that white Christian men played an enormous role in the construction of America as we know it today. It is equally true that other groups played a large role, as well. Can you imagine American culture without their contribution today?
  2. The belief in entitlement to perpetual power is incompatible with liberal democracy. It is an ideology fit for the Confederate States of America, not the United States of America. Hence, the popularity of Confederate flags and statues on the right.
  3. The demographic and ideological changes that so frighten the right are a fact, although reactionaries make them much worse than they need to be by embracing racism and attempting to impose their views on young people by force.
  4. The left is, in fact, largely a coalition of women, seculars, and ethnic and sexual minorities who have been the victims of discrimination in the past. As to their objectives, see #5.
  5. The reactionary fear here is mostly projection, as the left, unlike the right, actually supports American liberal democracy in spite of its innumerable historical failures. To the extent that the nightmare is supported by any evidence, it consists of the public health measures enacted during the pandemic and the rantings of a handful of activists at the local government level and on Sewer. The former were temporary, and no longer exist, to the regret of no one; the latter do not represent the opinions of any nationally prominent left-leaning figure, including AOC and Bernie Sanders.
  6. As with #2, this view is incompatible with American liberal democracy. The interesting thing here is that most of the angry right has evaded the illiberal democracy question by pretending the 2020 election was stolen. Only a handful of activists have openly admitted that the rules of the game have to be changed dramatically in order to give themselves a monopoly on power; the majority still use liberal democratic rhetoric even if they don’t actually believe it because they can’t imagine a better alternative.
  7. This is where the base parts ways with DeSantis. Unlike Trump, they don’t trust him not to sell them out, because he has gaudy establishment credentials, and he works to corrupt the system from within rather than burning it down.

A Very Scary Scenario

Trump’s federal cases went to trial during the campaign. To no one’s surprise, he was convicted in both, but he stayed out of prison pending appeals. The base shrugged it off. Whether the electorate as a whole would do so remained an open question.

At this point, Trump was clearly running, not just to run the country, but to stay out of jail. We already knew from 2020 that he recognized no limits. What would he do under these, more extreme circumstances?

Fortunately, this time, he isn’t in charge of the government, and he can’t count on the support of the military. That said, conditions in purple states are about to get very, very hairy, and sporadic violence is more likely than not.

On Evening in America

By any reasonable historical standard, the American economy is doing very well right now. The unemployment rate is extremely low; inflation is effectively down to about 3 percent; interest rates are at historically normal levels; and the markets are doing just fine, thank you. And yet, Biden is getting little credit from the voters for this. Reagan had “Morning in America;” for Biden, it’s around 8:00 PM. Why?

Partisanship is a big part of the public relations problem, of course. The MSM haven’t helped, either; at times, NBC sounds a lot like Fox News when its reporters talk about the economy. I think, however, that the biggest problem is timing and expectations. The Reagan boom was sudden and dramatic, and came after years of grinding stagflation; the Biden boom is none of those things. People today take low unemployment and inflation levels for granted, because that is what they enjoyed before the pandemic.

What the Base Believes: Catechism

Here are the articles of faith for the American reactionary right:

  1. Their ancestors–white Christians, all–made America great.
  2. God and the accomplishments of their ancestors gave them the right to rule America in perpetuity.
  3. Demographic changes and the ongoing erosion of Christian faith in America have put their right to rule at risk.
  4. The left is an unholy alliance of largely overeducated women, minorities, and seculars who hate them and want revenge for their previous powerlessness.
  5. As a result, the left threatens real America with political and cultural annihilation.
  6. Real America is entitled to fight back to save itself with any tool at its disposal.
  7. Donald Trump is the indispensable man in this existential battle. His personality shortcomings are actually an asset in the battle, because they guarantee that he won’t sell out to the establishment. He has no limits–that’s exactly what the base needs.

Is there any evidence on the ground to support the articles of faith? I’ll discuss that tomorrow.

On Rooting for the Devil You Know

The McConnell Project, based on the filibuster and a compliant Supreme Court, has been a great benefit for the GOP and a huge liability for America. Mitch will have much to answer for when it is all said and done. So why am I rooting for him to recover now?

Because Mitch doesn’t want to burn it down, and he has a record of keeping the crazoids in the Senate under control. His successor, whoever it may be, probably won’t be as successful. Does America really need another version of the GOP House and a second Kevin McCarthy?

You already know the answer to that.

On DeSantis’ Ramaswamy Problem

Pitching yourself to the reactionary base as a more competent, less legally encumbered version of Trump never looked like a winning strategy to me. But today, things have gotten even worse for DeSantis, because he has competition in the abjectly pro-Trump lane; Ramaswamy is even Trumpier than Trump in some respects. If the GOP electorate suddenly decides that Trump’s legal problems disqualify him, it may choose Ramaswamy over DeSantis. What is the Hungarian Candidate going to do now?

He can’t very well attack Ramaswamy on substance, since they are both completely aligned with the base, unless he is prepared to jettison his passive-aggressive approach to Trump and put his focus on winning over moderate voters. It is probably way too late for that. My guess is that he will engage in some mild criticism about Ramaswamy’s inexperience and hope that Christie, Haley, and Pence will discredit the guy without much help from him.

In other words, expect more of the same at the next debate.

A note to my readers: I will be on vacation next week. Regular posts will resume no later than next Sunday.

What Does Ramaswamy Want?

It is becoming increasingly obvious that Ramaswamy is running, not as Trump’s competitor, but as his even more extreme reactionary surrogate. To what end? What does he want?

As far as I can tell, here are the possibilities:

  1. To increase his profile in an effort to become a reactionary media star;
  2. To become Trump’s VP, and inherit the party in 2028; or
  3. To become the leading figure in the party in 2028, but from the outside–i.e., to avoid all of Trump’s baggage.

No sane person would want to be Trump’s VP. If you think that’s a great job, talk to Mike Pence. The first and third alternatives are not mutually exclusive. My guess is that it is #3, possibly mixed with #1.

On the Pence Synthesis

Many commentators have opined that the Pence campaign is nothing more than warmed-over Reaganism, but I don’t agree. I think it is a combination of a Reaganesque view of foreign policy, anti-abortion extremism, and Trump with the adults in the room–the actual product of the first few years of Trump, not his Twitter rantings or January 6.

Pence is hardly the perfect vessel for this approach, since both the right and the left despise him for his actions during the Trump years, and his lack of charisma is painfully apparent every time he opens his mouth. That said, you can see how synthesizing the most popular elements of Trumpism and Reaganism could get you enough votes to win the nomination–pick off the resolute pro-lifers from the base, get lots of undecideds by supporting only the best parts of Trump, and unite the Never Trumpers under the Reagan banner. It’s certainly a better approach than refusing to attack Trump and hoping the base will somehow prefer you to the man on golf cart.