I’ve never interviewed Mattis, and I probably never will. If I did, however, it would go something like this:
I enter Mattis’ relatively spartan office in the Pentagon.
C: Thank you for agreeing to see me.
M: No problem. It’s part of the job.
C: I’m going to ask you some general questions about the job, the state of America’s military, and our role in the world, and then move to specific areas of potential conflict.
M: OK.
C: To start, I’m not going to ask you a lot of questions about working for Trump, because I doubt it will get us anywhere, but there’s one question that I have to ask. Practically everyone else in this administration has had his reputation ruined by the association with Trump, but your reputation, if anything, has actually been enhanced. How do you do it?
M: Chuckles slightly. It’s not easy. I think being a fairly straightforward military man helps. Part of it is doing my business here in the Pentagon and staying out of politics. Part of it is staying away from the media.
C: But you’re here talking to me.
M: You don’t have a big enough following to qualify as “media.”
C: Fair enough. One issue I’ve raised in my blog is whether the number of military men in the current administration creates a public tie between the military and the GOP that could ultimately present a problem for both the military and the country. Do you agree that is a potential problem?
M: Yes. I’ve made a concerted effort to make the military look like America. I think that’s important. There are already issues of understanding between the military and the public at large; we don’t want to make them worse.
C: Sarah Sanders made some notorious remarks several months ago which suggested that the military is above criticism. Do you agree with that?
M: No. Civilian control of the military is an extremely important element of our political system. The worst thing we can do is draw lines between the military and the public. If that means we get some unjustified criticism, so be it.
C: The prevailing doctrine is that we need to be prepared to fight two major wars at once. Can we do that today?
M: Yes, but barely. We’re stretched to the limit. The increase in funding in the new budget will help.
C: You’re aware that critics of the defense budget say that the budget is equal to the six or eight other largest defense budgets in the world, combined?
M: That’s misleading. The Chinese don’t have to spend as much money on personnel as we do. Health care costs in particular are killing us.
C: What are you doing on health care costs?
M: We’re working on it. It’s complicated.
C: There was a column in the NYT a few days ago to the effect that America’s role in policing the world has to diminish simply because our share of world GDP is declining. What’s your reaction to that?
M: Over time, that may happen. As for today, there’s no one available to take our place. Is the world going to depend on China to stop massacres in Africa? The world will be an ugly place if we’re not there to step in.
C: Let’s talk about a few hot spots, starting with North Korea.
M: Not surprising.
C: Do you think a limited war is a realistic option?
M: I’m not foreclosing anything, but a limited war would be very, very risky. You never know how the regime would react.
C: Is a nuclear conflict a possibility?
M: Yes, but only as a absolute last option.
C: I’ve read suggestions that you have some new superweapons that could be used against North Korea. Can you tell us anything about that?
M: No.
C: Let’s talk about the South China Sea. What are America’s objectives there, and what do you think the Chinese are trying to accomplish with the fill islands?
M: I think the Chinese are determined to have complete control of their coastline and the near abroad. That means creating issues with free navigation for Japan, South Korea, Australia, and the Philippines. We don’t have problems with China exerting itself as such, but it doesn’t have the right to threaten its neighbors. We can’t permit that.
C: Can America win a war in the South China Sea, given that it would be a home game for the Chinese?
M: Today, yes, but I’m not sure that time is on our side. We need to be ramping up our diplomatic efforts to make sure it doesn’t happen.
C: Would the TPP help?
M: Sure, but that’s not my call.
C: It’s been reported that you have a strong animus towards Iran as a result of American losses to terrorism in the Iraq War. Would you care to comment on that?
M: When you see brave soldiers killed and maimed by IEDs, it’s hard to forget.
C: You clearly had issues with the Obama Administration on Iran. What were they, and how is that being played out today?
M: Obama thought you could make deals with Iran. I have more doubts. Their government hates us, and Israel. Their efforts to project power have to be stopped. We’re going to do that.
C: How?
M: Just wait and see.
C: One last question–I know you hate being called “Mad Dog” and being portrayed as a warrior monk. How do you want people to think of you?
M: As a man who loves his country and did his absolute best to protect it.
C: Thank you for your time.